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October 31, 2007

MATTER IN PLACE - Aotearoa/South Pacific forum for social matters

9 November 2007 1:30 - 6:30 Museum Building Theatrettre 10A02
Entrace D, Buckle Street, Te Aro, Wellington

The School of Visual & Material Culture at Massey University is flagging its recent postgraduate developments and future research initiative - MATTER: the New Zealand Centre for Material Culture Studies - by hosting an interdisciplinary discussion forum that is national in scope. SVMC is inviting guest speakers in the various fields of visual and material culture to help contextualise the current nature of research and teaching in this area within a context that is relevant to New Zealand/Aotearoa and the South Pacific.

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The event is in the format of an afternoon forum with panel addresses by 5 scholars working in HE institutions within New Zealand plus 1 from Australia. The research of all these speakers is applicable to general concerns within the Pacific. Additionally, all of them can talk to wider theoretical and methodological developments in their respective disciplines as well as the growing interdisciplinary crossovers and collaborations between pedagogy, creative art, museum curation, community participation and social issues.

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The 6 guest speakers are:

Mark Busse (Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Auckland);
Wendy Cowling (Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Waikato);
Nancy de Freitas (School of Design, AUT);
Kumi Kato (Univ. of Queensland);
Huhana Smith (Māori Section, Te Papa Museum, WGTN);
Tim Thomas (Dept of Archaeology, Univ. of Otago).

For futher information and booking, please contact Patrick Laviolette (SVMC, Massey Univ.)http://creative.massey.ac.nz/

The Forum will feature as part of a wider inaugural November Festival put on by the College of Creative Arts: BLOW '07, Nga Hau e Wha, Fresh Creative Perspectives (Nov 2-18).
http://blow.massey.ac.nz/

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ART / ANTHROPOLOGY: PRACTICES OF DIFFERENCE AND TRANSLATION

Convenor: Arnd Schneider, Institute of Social Anthropology, University of Oslo

A two-day international workshop to develop a framework for a research laboratory on contemporary art and anthropology in Oslo

31 October - 1 November 2007

Venue: Kulturhistorisk Museum, University of Oslo, Norway

The two-day workshop, the first in a number of consultation events, will explore ideas and future potentials in the establishment of a `laboratory' in Norway which combines ethnographic and art
practices across a number of institutions and fields (anthropology, art history/criticism, contemporary art practice and museums).

Thus the workshop conceived as an open discussion forum, with the intention to chart a preliminary matrix for a future art-ethnography laboratory in Oslo. A number of invited national and international speakers(including Terje Brantenberg, Geir Tore Holm, George Marcus, Amanda Ravetz, Amiria Salmond, Sissel Tolaas, Chris Wright - full list available on request),
from both the worlds of contemporary art and anthropology, will report on existing projects which incorporate ethnographic and art practices, or provide a counterpoint as respondents to reports from Norway or abroad.

Full programme available on request from
Morten Kjeldseth Pettersen (m.k.pettersen@sai.uio.no)

Participation is free, but places are limited. Please register your interest with:
Morten Kjeldseth Pettersen (m.k.pettersen@sai.uio.no)

October 30, 2007

London Global Eyes

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Global Eyes exhibition at the Shoreditch Town Hall, 1st - 3rd November 2007

* showcasing diverse and inspiring photography, sound and collaborative artworks produced in 7 countries; 8 postgraduate visual anthropologists dare to challenge boundaries between ethnography, art, and social documentary.

globaleyes2007@googlemail.com

Editor's note - would any readers be keen to review this exhibition?

October 26, 2007

Plan B for a Nuclear Reactor: After Production Comes Preservation

Paul Williams, Museum Studies, New York University

1. Background

Of the large-scale heritage preservation efforts taking place across the world, the B Reactor is not the easiest sell. Built in just 11 months during World War II, it was the world’s first production-scale nuclear reactor. It provided the source of plutonium for the very first “Trinity” test in the New Mexico desert, for the atomic bomb dropped on Nagasaki, and tritium for the first hydrogen bomb. The Hanford complex was instigated in 1943 when a judge confiscated a 1,500 square kilometer area in the state of Washington. Residents received some money, no explanation, and 30 days to move. A construction camp of 50,000 workers then replaced them almost immediately. Of the nine reactors at Hanford, the B Reactor, which ceased operating in 1968, is the last available for consideration for preservation by the National Park Service as a museum. The other eight decommissioned reactors have been fenced off and “cocooned” while radiation in their cores slowly decays. A final decision on the B Reactor, which has received several national awards as a nuclear and engineering landmark, is not expected for several years.

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Figure 1. B Reactor shortly after construction

Approached from a distance, the B Reactor emerges from the sagebrush steppes like a sinister grey hulk. Once inside, it is difficult not to marvel at the building, at least on an engineering level: its reactor core is a five storey high, 1,200 ton graphite cylinder, penetrated horizontally by 2,004 aluminum tubes. Two hundred tons of uranium slugs, each the size of rolls of quarters, were inserted into the tubes. When enough slugs were in place, they would form a “critical mass,” which would initiate the uranium’s transformation into plutonium. Cooling the reactor core required water pumped from the Columbia at the rate of 75,000 gallons per minute. Inside the windowless fortress, the sheer industrial weight of the building feels somewhat menacing. At the same time, there is an uncanny relation between the monumental technical achievement that the building represents – which remains contemporary in consequence – and the antiquated analog dials, gauges, switches, and typewriters within it. Visitors see, for instance, the drafting table where physics Nobel laureate Enrico Fermi worked for three straight days to get the reactor up to speed, using nothing but a slide rule and graph paper.

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Figure 2. Workers at the reactor wall

2. Issues

Beyond claims of its historical significance, arguments for its preservation would be significantly weaker if there were few people interested in viewing the reactor. While the site is generally closed to the public, when it is occasionally opened, there’s fierce demand for tours – available slots fill up online in about a minute. At this early stage, numbers are bolstered by interest from retired workers and their families, military enthusiasts, and amateur historians. Convincing a broader public is potentially hampered by two elephant-in-the-room-sized problems.

The first is that Hanford is possibly the most polluted site in the world. A difficult legacy of American Cold War operations is that a commitment to obsessive secrecy and relentless production meant that vast toxic waste was produced, with little attention to public health or the environment. Hanford generated the largest single collection of nuclear waste outside the Soviet Union; it was left with 100 times more radioactivity than Hiroshima and Nagasaki after the bomb. About 440 billion gallons of toxic liquid were intentionally dumped into the dry soil, leaving an 80-square-mile plume of contaminated ground water. In addition, 53 million gallons of highly radioactive waste are stored in 177 underground tanks, some of which leak. Cleanup is expected to cost around $50 billion, and will last until 2035. Although the Department of Energy reports that there is no airborne radiation, and no chance of exposure for visitors (as long as they stay behind the ropes), the notion of tourists spending money to visit a contaminated site is unprecedented (well almost – limited tours around the Chernobyl sarcophagus began a few years ago). At the least, health will remain a significant public worry, and may contribute to National Park Service and Department of Energy viability assessments – especially given that the preservation option for the B Reactor is also more expensive than cocooning.

The second problem is the moral issue. Around 75,000 civilians were killed at Nagasaki. From 1945, a variety of thinkers have challenged the myth that the bomb ultimately “saved lives” – and even that it was the deciding factor in the Japanese surrender. For many visitors, the decision to drop the bomb cannot, and should not, be separated from its technical process – since, after all, destruction was the B Reactor’s raison d’etre. War memorials, including those erected in victorious nations, have traditionally retained loss and sacrifice as founding values, rather than ingenuity or superiority. While the B Reactor is not a “war memorial” in any usual sense, the point stands that we also do not normally preserve munitions factories. How to explain, then, what the B Reactor, as a monumental artifact, might mean?

3. Artifact
Belief in the existence of “winning the Second World War” or “engaging in the Cold War” can be characterized as “institutional facts” rather than “brute facts.” This basic distinction is borrowed from philosopher John Searle. Where brute facts are facts of physical reality, such as that a hydrogen atom having one electron, or that plutonium fissions and chain-reacts, institutional facts, such as paper money, citizenship, property or governments, are sustained by human institutions. They are just as complexly structured as physical reality, but are weightless and invisible. Museums and heritage sites, I suggest, are often marshaled to give a concrete solidity to institutional facts.

We preserve what we value of the physical past because it specifically embodies our social past. Although social reality is weightless and invisible (including not only living interconnections and communications, but also those we imaginatively relate to the past), it is anchored in physical objects. These objects start with our own living bodies but extend far and deep into the physical world of landscapes, buildings, documents and machines. As Richard Rhodes notes, “finding meaning in the preservation and contemplation of those physical objects isn’t merely sentimental, because the meaning isn’t merely an extra or an add-on. To the contrary, physical facts and social facts can and do occupy the same space at the same time.” The corollary is that the destruction of places of heritage can produce the deterioration of memory. Memorial museums, which I write about in detail here, are based on this premise.

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Figure 3. B Reactor today

As an artifact, the hulking size and unsettling stillness of the B Reactor could be said to communicate aspects of the irrational scale and sinister concealment associated with the Cold War. At the same time, this is an interpretation that may be informed by my own sense of the eerie aesthetics of ruins; others may see that same space as gloriously elegiac. Hence, we desire an artifact-specific physical location not necessarily only because it reminds us of the facticity of something (that people really worked at the reactor, that a bomb was built, that thousands were killed), but because it can usefully represent a “screen” for a wide variety of interpretations. Hence, the “brute fact” of nuclear fission, where visitors learn how it works and what daily operations looked like, can serve as a kind of “screen memory” for a range of more ineffable ideas. For Freud, a “screen memory” is the memory of something that is unconsciously used to repress recollection of an associated but distressing event. Heritage can help to construct screen memories, in the sense that they provide a location for physical visitation that appears to get to the heart of an event, but does not necessarily spell out or dictate its potentially painful social significance. Marita Sturken has elaborated on this idea here.

A final thought: while the site-specificity of the B Reactor creates a practical problem (in terms of its remoteness), it also produces interpretive limitations. As an artifact, its physicality gestures in different directions: it was highly technical and physically cumbersome in production, surprisingly light in actual product, devastatingly corporal in its effect on Japan, and undetermined and disputed in cultural and historical meaning. Is it possible that B Reactor can speak to these different mental locations? How can heritage sites that deal with the same overarching topic speak to, or gesture to, one another? The idea of “synchronous heritage” – places related to one another – is one that has seldom been explored fully. Architect Timothy Cowan has this kind of plan in mind: “By adapting current and future technologies within a new facility, the experience could reach far beyond the Hanford boundaries to symbolically heal the wounds of World War II. Imagine viewing historic photos of B Reactor adjacent a satellite-linked video feed of the Trinity Test Site or present-day Nagasaki.” A promising idea, I agree. At present, the legacy of Cold War nuclear politics lives on, thwarting such opportunities; despite reported interest from Japanese tour groups (and other internationals) in visiting Hanford, B Reactor tours are open only to U.S citizens only.

October 25, 2007

THE INAUGURAL CONFERENCE ON THE INCLUSIVE MUSEUM


National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden, the Netherlands, 8-11 June 2008
http://www.Museum-Conference.com

At this time of fundamental social change, what is the role of the museum, both as a creature of that change, and perhaps also as an agent of change? The International Conference on the Inclusive Museum is a place where museum practitioners, researchers, thinkers and teachers can engage in discussion on the historic character and future shape of the museum. The key question of the Conference is 'How can the institution of the museum become more inclusive?'

As well as impressive line-up of international main speakers, the Conference will also include numerous paper, workshop and colloquium presentations by practitioners, teachers and researchers. We would particularly like to invite you to respond to the Conference Call-for-Papers. Presenters may choose to submit written papers for publication in the fully refereed International Journal of the Inclusive Museum. If you are unable to attend the Conference in person, virtual registrations are also available which allow you to submit a paper for refereeing and possible publication in this fully refereed academic Journal, as well as access to the electronic version of the Conference proceedings.

The deadline for the next round in the call for papers (a title and short abstract) is 8 November 2007. Proposals are reviewed within four weeks of submission. Full details of the Conference, including an online proposal submission form, are to be found at the Conference website.

October 24, 2007

They called me Mayer July

I'ld like to draw your attention to a project which has just come to fruition by Barbara Kirschenblatt Gimblett: the publication of the book, They called me Mayer July, and opening of the exhibition of the same name.

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"The only Jew in the volunteer fire brigade."

Barbara's father, Mayer Kirschenblatt taught himself to paint, aged 73, and has created an evocative visual record of his life in Poland before World War Two and his emigration to Canada. Drawing on interviews conducted over decades and in Mayer's own words, the book and exhibition are a visual ethnography of Polish Jewish life, and highlights the redemptive power of art as a medium to not only evoke memory and narrate life histories, but to reconnect to the past and to broader cultural histories.

The project has a website:
http://samanthamyers.typepad.com/theycalledmemayerjuly/

The exhibition will travel from California, to Poland, to Amsterdam and New York City.

BKG discusses the project:
http://samanthamyers.typepad.com/theycalledmemayerjuly/daughters_afterword.html

Mayer Kirschenblatt has also recorded an audio narrative which can be accessed through the website, and for US visitors, by calling a cellphone number
http://samanthamyers.typepad.com/theycalledmemayerjuly/2007/09/listen-to-mayer.html

October 21, 2007

Extreme Collecting - AHRC Research Workshop Series

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Extreme Collecting explores the process of collecting that challenges the bounds of normally acceptable practice. It consists of a series of four workshops aimed at addressing the social, political, material and ethical debates surrounding the controversial practice of extreme collecting in the twenty-first century. Its aim is to apply a critical approach towards the rigidity of museums in maintaining essentially nineteenth century ideas of collecting and move towards identifying priorities for collection policies in UK museums which are inclusive of acquiring 'difficult' objects. Much of this will look at the question of acceptable boundaries for the practice of collecting and the implementation of new strategies in collecting.

Extreme Collecting may apply to the collection of those objects that appear so mundane and mass-produced as to appear uninteresting. Alternatively, it also applies to the collecting of many other objects that have physical characteristics – of ephemeral substance, size and scale – that make it impossible to acquire and exhibit or are prone to rapid decay. Sustainability of collections is a vital consideration in a world where institutions are dominated by audit culture and by tick box compliance.

A series of four workshops will address these issues so that we may begin to plan for and manage the museum collections of the future.

The series is a collaboration between UCL and the British Museum and supported by the AHRC. Workshops are hosted at the British Museum.

Workshop 1
Extreme Collecting: Intellectual Foundations to ‘Difficult’ Objects (Friday, 14 December 2007, 1-6pm)

Workshop 2
Ethnography of the Ordinary (Thursday, 31 January 2008,1-6pm)

Workshop 3
Scale, Size and the Ephemeral (Thursday, 28 February 2008, 1-6pm)

Workshop 4
Collecting and Source Communities (Monday, 31 March 2008, 1-6pm)

For more details, and to register, visit:
http://www.ucl.ac.uk/extreme-collecting


October 19, 2007

The Serbian Gift

Ivana Bajic, Anthropology, UCL

The only gift is a portion of thyself. Thou must bleed for me.
-(Emerson 1906: 291)

This paper is based on a twelve months ethnographic research of material culture of post-1990 Serbian migration from Belgrade to Western Europe, North America and Australia. The ethnographic material seems superficially symmetrical in a sense that I was looking at the same material culture genres -- homes, gifts and communication - on both sides of this migration, sometimes matching specific migrants in London and their parents in Belgrade. However, the data reveals a certain asymmetry between the two sides of migration. Contrary to what development studies on Serbian remittances suggest*, this asymmetry consists in parents’ conscious efforts to be the givers, even if that entails vicarious sacrifices on their behalf, and in children’s, again, conscious efforts not to be the recipients of their parents’ sacrifice, even if that involves minimum efforts on their side. Regardless of whether a son or a daughter would keep in touch by visiting, sending gifts, phoning or sending emails or by contrast had become totally estranged, parents would talk about them, commemorate to mark passage rituals in absentia (i.e. celebrate births and birthdays of absent grandchildren and children, engagements and weddings), distribute their photographs among family and friends. In a nutshell, parents invest conscious efforts in preserving absent migrant children and their families from social death in Serbia.


For the immigrants sending money seems as the most practical gift for their parents. They consider remittances to be a kind of insurance that parents would be able to afford a better diet, to pay for private health services if needed, or for any other emergencies which their parents’ pensions cannot cover. What the children fail to appreciate is that if accepted on those terms, such a gift would radically alter the balance in a parent-child relationship. The power would be seen to shift from parents, as providers and givers, on to children.


For Serbian parents in Belgrade, many of whom were born before or during the Second World War and who share traditional patriarchal values typical of the first half of the 20th century Serbia, it is not acceptable to receive material support from children. Remittances are a taboo among Belgrade-based emigrants’ parents. The very question whether they receive money from their emigrant sons and daughters abroad would cause deep embarrassment among parents in Belgrade. Even if they were receiving remittances, parents would insist that they were not using that money for supplementing their pensions and they did not consider them to be classical remittances like those of Yugoslav Gastarbeiters** on a temporary work in Germany in 1970s and 80s. To receive financial support or a gift which value is not purely symbolic, Belgrade-based elderly parents consider as something which only “peasants” (i.e. non-urban people) would accept. The gift which parents deem appropriate for the parent-child relationship is a gift with little or no material value, the gift which is symbolic and inalienable. Money thereby becomes a kind of circulating form of inalienable gift, which parents do not use for consumption but either put aside and save it so that their children would have it back as an inheritance, the exception being only purposes that transcend consumption such as a treatment of a severe illness or for funeral expenses. The gift which comes from a ‘sacred object’ of parental care and love – a child, cannot be consumed in mundane way. A ‘sacred child’ proved to be a dominant theme in mothers’ discourses about their children’s migration. As one of my informants from Belgrade said:


“My son knows that I am struggling to make ends meet with my pension, and he asks me if I need help. But I would never ask him for help; I would rather find my own ways of surviving than receive money from him. I was trying to get pregnant for thirteen years…For thirteen years I was waiting to have a baby. My son came as a gift from God. There is no way I could ever accept anything from him, because he is so special to me.”

Serbian mothers’ narratives about emigrant sons and daughters are evocative of Viviana Zelizer’s study of the making of ‘priceless child’ in early 20th century America (Zelizer, 1994). Zelizer argues that a shift in constructing the ‘sacred child’ emerged as a consequence of massive industrialization which was going on in American society at the turn of the last century. Gradually a child transformed from seen primarily as a work force, and even priced as such (older children had more value than younger ones), to a priceless, becoming an object of parental continuous sacrifice and unconditional love (Zelizer 1994).


Industrialization in Serbia did not really take place until the mid-20th century, when Tito put Yugoslavia on a fast-track for catching up with belated modernisation. Up until the Second World War, ninety percent of Serbian population were peasants, with families organized in collective households called “zadruga” (Perovic, 2006). The child in “zadruga” was considered primarily as a work force; there are documented cases in Serbia of families bribing teachers not to take their children to school because they needed them to work and sustain household (Isic, 2006). Once social reforms and severe industrialization started in post-Second World War Yugoslavia, the role of a child began to transform as well. “Useless child” became a token of modernity. To admit to having a child with prospect of having material benefit from it, became a taboo in the second half of the 20th century Serbia, similarly like half a century before in the United States.

It is interesting to see how this transformation was translated on the case of emigrants from Serbia: prior to the fall of Yugoslavia and massive migration prompted both by the conflict and by post-communist transformations, Yugoslavia’a migration consisted mostly of Gastarbeiters in Germany. Majority of Yugoslav Gastarbeiters were coming from rural Serbia and with their practices of sending remittances back home they were affirming the class distinction between useful peasants’ and working class’s children and useless urban middle class’s children. Thereby to say that one is receiving remittances or other forms of financial support from child who emigrated since 1991, would imply a lack of one’s modernity and a loss of their middle-class status.


During the last decade of the 20th century the Serbian middle class perished due to a severe economic crisis. Slowly with the fall of Milosevic in October 2000 and with economic reforms under way, a new middle class has started to emerge in Serbia. However, the old middle class from Yugoslav times has in reality become impoverished to an extent that it has become an empty signifier, clinging on to class values which do not correspond to it any more. For generations of Yugoslav middle class mothers who are now in their late sixties and seventies, to have a son or a daughter abroad and to repudiate their financial support even though they realistically are in need of it, empowers them to claim their middle class status and to show resistance to inevitable social transformations in today’s Serbia. Remittances become a class distinction of a class which withered away with the fall of Yugoslavia.

This may be an extreme example, but I would hope it makes two points of more general relevance to the anthropology of migration. The first is that more ethnographic work is needed in various settings to help us move on from a general category of remittances, where we assume we know the consequences and form of these arrangements to a more comparative perspective. But the second is to appreciate that one of the key factors in determining these consequences would be transformations in the basic relationship between parents and children and the way these are constituted and changed by material culture and relations of gifting.

Bibliography:

  • Emerson, R.W. 1906. Essays. London: Dent.
  • Isić, M. 2006. ‘Dete i žena na selu u Srbiji između dva svetska rata’, in Perović, L., 2006 (ed.), Žene i deca: Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XIX i XX veka. Beograd: Helsinški odbor za Ljudska prava u Srbiji. (pp. 131-159).
  • Perović, L. 2006 (ed.), Žene i deca: Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XIX i XX veka. Beograd: Helsinški odbor za Ljudska prava u Srbiji.
  • Zelizer, V. 1994. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

* In the last three years Serbia has become one of the top ten remittance receiving countries in the world. According to World Bank in 2006 Serbian remittances reached 4.7 billion US dollars, which constitute 17.2 share of GDP in Serbia. Following current trends in development sector which see remittances as an important factor in alleviating poverty, World Bank, British Department for International Development (DfID), Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs (SECO), and German Economic Development and Employment Division (GTZ), all published reports related to Serbian remittances within last two years. Notwithstanding differences between them, focus of these reports is on the amount and the ways of sending money to Serbia, as well as devising strategies how to use remittances for development purposes (investing in infrastructure of the country, channeling remittances through vouchers which could be exchanged for certain goods, and stimulating immigrants to send money through banks). The only report which examines what actually happens with remittances once they reach recipients in Serbia, is the one done on behalf of the International Organization for Migration for the Swiss SECO, but its focus is on rural Serbia and its findings are quite different to those from my urban-based fieldwork in Belgrade.
** Term “Gastarbeiter” means “guest worker” in German. The term was so commonly used in Yugoslavia that the word “gastarbajter” came to signify more generally all Yugoslav immigrants abroad.

October 17, 2007

Outing the water closet...

OUTING THE WATER CLOSET: Sex, Gender, and the Public Toilet

Free and open to the public 3 November 2007

Center for Architecture, 536 LaGuardia Place

Presented by: New York University & The Center for Architecture

Please RSVP: Nicole Derise at nicole.derise@nyu.edu

Program schedule after the jump:

Pre-conference film screening: Q2P 11 am – 12:15 pm
Written, directed and produced by Paromita Vohra. Q&A with Ms. Vohra to follow screening.

Q2P peers through the dream of a futuristic Mumbai and finds not enough public toilets. As this film
observes who has to queue to pee, we begin to understand the imagination of gender that underlies the
city's shape and the constantly shifting boundaries between public and private space.

Introduction: 1 pm – 1:10 pm

Joan Blumenfeld, FAIA, IIDA | President, AIA NY Chapter

Panel I: The Social Construction of the Bathroom 1:10 pm – 3 pm
Moderator: Carolyn Dinshaw | Professor of English; Professor, Program in Gender and Sexuality Studies, Department of Social and Cultural Analysis, NYU
Presenters:
Beatriz Colomina | Professor, History and Theory Princeton University School of Architecture
Clara Greed | Professor of Inclusive Urban Planning, Planning and Architecture, University of the West
of England
Ruth Barcan | Lecturer, Department of Gender and Cultural Studies, University of Sydney, Australia

Respondent Panelists:
Barbara Penner | Director of Architectural Studies and Lecturer Bartlett School of Architecture, University College London
Deborah Taylor, AIA LEED AP | Executive Director for Special Programs and Materials and Equipment Acceptance, New York City Department of Buildings
Matthew Sapolin | Executive Director of the New York City Mayor’s Office for People with Disabilities
Bronwen Pardes | Sexual Health Educator, HIV Counselor, St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital

Coffee Break *-* *-* *-* 3 pm – 3:30 pm

Panel II: Building Gender / Building Toilets 3:30 pm – 5:30 pm
Moderator:
Don Kulick | Professor, Department of Anthropology; Professor, Program in Gender and Sexuality Studies, Department of Social and Cultural Analysis; Director, Center for the Study of Gender and Sexuality, NYU
Presenters::
Joel Sanders, AIA | Principal, Joel Sanders Architect; Associate Professor, Yale University School of Architecture
Andrew Whalley, AA Dipl AIA RIBA | Partner-in-Charge, New York Office, Grimshaw
Respondent Panelists::
Marc Tsurumaki, AIA | Partner, LTL Architects
Charles McKinney | Chief of Design, New York City Department of Parks and Recreation
Pauline Park | Transgender activist
Lori Pavese Mazor, AIA | Associate Vice President for Planning and Design, NYU

Mopping Up:
Harvey Molotch | Acting Director, Program in Metropolitan Studies; Professor, Department of Social
and Cultural Analysis; Professor, Department of Sociology, NYU

Reception *-* *-* *-* 5:30 pm - 7 pm


Sponsors::
American Institute of Architects New York Chapter, NYU Office of Strategic Assessment, Planning and Design, With support from NYU academic units including Graduate School of Arts and Science
Department of Sociology , Department of Social and Cultural Analysis (Programs in Metropolitan Studies and American Studies) Center for the Study of Gender and Sexuality

October 16, 2007

Unclaimed baggage


Great story on the BBC about the 1,000,000 people a year that visit the unclaimed baggage repository in Scottsboro, Alabama, where you can view, and purchase, the luggage that is never claimed.

Finders Keepers

DO NOT fail to check out their website:

Unclaimed Baggage: Lost treasures from around the world

October 14, 2007

Clark/Oakley Fellowship

The Clark/Oakley Humanities Fellowship*

In conjunction with the Oakley Center for the Humanities and Social Sciences at Williams College, the Research and Academic Program at the Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute announces a new fellowship for a scholar in the humanities whose work takes an interdisciplinary approach to some aspect of the visual. The selected fellow will have his or her office at the Oakley Center, be housed at the Clark scholars' residence, and participate fully in the rich intellectual life of both advanced research institutes. The preferred term of the fellowship is for one academic year, though applicants available for only one semester will also be considered. The ample stipend is dependent upon salary and sabbatical replacement needs.

Further details here:
http://www.clarkart.edu/research_and_academic/content.cfm?ID=43&nav=1

Application form is available here:
http://www.clarkart.edu/research_and_academic/PDF/application_master.pdf

The deadline is November 16th, 2007.

October 12, 2007

Reviewing Exhibiting Māori

Jeffrey Sissons, Anthropology Programme, Victoria Univ. of Wellington

Book review of: 'Exhibiting Māori: A History of Colonial Cultures of Display', by Conal McCarthy (paperback 2007) Oxford/Wellington: Berg & Te Papa Press.

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Conal McCarthy introduces this book by inviting the reader to consider four photographs, taken at different times, of a waharoa or carved gateway. The first, a postcard, shows the waharoa, flanked by large carved figures with protruding tongues, at the entrance to a model Maori village built for the 1906-7 New Zealand International Exhibition held in Christchurch. A second image depicts the gateway as an ethnographic specimen in the Dominion Museum of the 1930s. A third shows the same object as a ‘treasure’ or taonga – an imposing, solitary sculpture at the entrance to The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa. One narrative in this book tells the story of the shifting meaning of this and other aspects of Maori material culture as they are reconceptualised through display as curio, specimen, artifact, art and taonga. This is a genealogy of taonga and contemporary understandings of Maori art and material culture expressive of changing relations between Maori and the colonial state. But there is also a second, more surprising and more original narrative here: It is introduced by yet another photograph of the waharoa. In this image the carvers, Neke Kapua and his sons, are shown standing beside and in front of their almost completed work. This narrative plots changing forms of Maori involvement in the exhibition and production for exhibition of Maori material culture from the mid-nineteenth century to the present.

McCarthy reveals complex and ambiguous forms of Maori engagement with 19th century international exhibitions and local museums. When leaders from Whanganui sent items to a Philadelphia exhibition in the 1880s, for example, they expected the Americans to reciprocate in kind. When Ngati Awa in the Bay of Plenty agreed to send their new meeting house, Mataatua, to the Sydney International exhibition held in 1879 they expected to accompany it. Maori ‘curio-dealers’ sold objects to exhibitors and to the Government in the late 19th century and early 20th centuries. Henry Uru, for example, ran an emporium selling, among a wide range of items, feather cloaks, woven tea-cozies and carved pipes. By the turn of the century, other Maori were donating to museums and leaders were deeply concerned over the potential loss of their material heritage to tourists and overseas buyers. McCarthy argues that the passing of the Maori Antiquity Act (intended to prevent Maori art leaving the country) in 1901 coincided with an increased Maori interest in cultural preservation. James Carroll and other Maori leaders of the time strongly supported the concept of a National Maori Museum.

By the 1930s, Apirana Ngata’s carving school had opened in Rotorua and Thomas Heberly had been appointed as the first full-time Maori staff-member at the Dominion Museum. For Ngata and Heberly Maori material culture was a living art form that had meaning in relation to the present and future of Maori society. Museum objects were to become sources of cultural inspiration rather than ethnological specimens. Thus Hau-ki-Turanga – the meeting house being restored by the Dominion Museum – would become a model for many others built throughout New Zealand during the Maori renaissance of the 1930s. McCarthy’s account of this period is important because it deepens and complicates earlier analyses of the ‘traditionalisation’ of Maori meeting houses. More information on the wider context of Ngata’s engagement with the Dominion museum would have strengthened the argument, however. McCarthy notes that Ngata was ‘too embarrassed’ to attend the opening of the new Dominion Museum in 1936 because the restoration of the meeting house was not completed. But this was just one in a string of ‘embarrassments’ since a 1934 Commission of enquiry into his development programmes had forced him to resign in 1935 as Minister of Maori affairs.

McCarthy’s discussion of Maori critiques of the 1940 Centennial Exhibition held in Wellington and of Ngata’s involvement in its successful staging furthers our understanding of Ngata’s post-assimilationist views and reveals more widespread Maori resistance to assimilation during this period. The large crowds that visited the exhibition included many Maori who enjoyed the entertainment provided by the recently formed Ngati Poneke kapa haka group. Carvers displayed their skills, deliberately emphasising the contemporary nature of their work. When a Pakeha visitor complained to one of the carvers, ‘your ancestors didn’t do that with a steel adze’, the carver is said to have replied, ‘no, and you didn’t come here in a stage coach’ (p.92).

Ngata’s most vigorous and inspiring successor was probably Kara Puketapu, Head of Maori Affairs in the 1970s and early 80s. He initiated and led major reforms in the way his department related to Maori centered on the Tu Tangata programmes aimed at increasing Maori self-determination. McCarthy reveals that in 1981 his inter-departmental committee played a significant role in ensuring wide Maori involvement in the planning and staging of Te Maori. This international exhibition redefined Maori artifacts as taonga, a move that was to have far-reaching consequences for the display and public understanding of Maori material culture.

McCarthy’s final chapter, ‘Mana Taonga’, is a careful and insightful examination of changes introduced by Maori at Te Papa aimed at attracting more Maori visitors and creating links with iwi. He describes well the confusion over the definition of taonga and the enormous difficulties associated with iwi-liaison that at times threatened to overwhelm staff.

This story of Maori agency is closely interwoven with a second narrative that traces the shifts in meaning of Maori display objects as they move from curio to taonga. The role of museum directors, especially those at the dominion museum, is highlighted here. McCarthy is sensitive to the difficulties of determining the meanings of objects and displays for visitors – Maori and Pakeha – in the absence of good visitor surveys. It is clear from his account, however, that Maori material culture became ‘art’ in very different ways at different times. The Maori ‘art’ of Augustus Hamilton at the turn of the century was not that of the ethnologist Terence Barrow in the 1950s or that of the curators of Te Maori. This shifting notion of Maori ‘art’ disrupts the linear progression of curio to taonga.

This book began life as a Ph.D. thesis but, with the exception of some theoretical formalities near the beginning, it is written in a direct and engaging style. The 76 well-chosen photographs enhance the text considerably. McCarthy notes in his conclusion that his book is intended to reopen debate about postcoloniality and settler societies. It probably won’t achieve such a grand aim by itself. But what it will do, or should do, is encourage a reassessment of colonial relations in New Zealand – a more modest, but none-the-less very considerable achievement.

October 10, 2007

Golden Fleece

Ph.D. Scholarship for Wool Textile Studies in New Zealand

Applications are invited for this Post Graduate award from people intending to pursue a career in the wool/textile industry. The priority is on research being undertaken in areas post farm-gate. This award is available on an annual basis for 3 years and a stipend of $25,000 plus tuition fees. A research grant as well as a travel grant to attend an international conference are also provided.

The New Zealand wool industry is at the cutting edge of wool textile research, and offering these scholarships is intended to assist the industry to remain a global leader in the future. A focus of the scholarship is to support research at the AgResearch Ltd, Lincoln Research Centre, but consideration will be given to applications for study at other appropriate New Zealand organisations including universities.

The closing date for applications is 30 November 2007. Descriptions of the scholarships and application forms are available on Meat & Wool New Zealand’s website – http://www.meatandwoolnz.com/main.cfm?id=234
For more information contact:
Allan Frazer, Meat & Wool New Zealand
+64 4 473 9150
allan.frazer@meatandwoolnz.com

October 9, 2007

US man seeks change for $1m bill


A man who handed over a counterfeit million-dollar bill to a cashier at a Pittsburgh supermarket and asked for change has been arrested....

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7036098.stm

October 5, 2007

White African Masks: Representing Africa in a Johannesburg Hotel

by April Strickland, New York University and Andy Rotman, Smith College

On a trip to South Africa in 2003, we spent a brief layover in Johannesburg in the lounge of the Airport Sun Inter-Continental Hotel, located just outside of the international terminal. Over coffee and snacks, we joined staff and patrons in watching a South Africa-Scotland rugby match on the lounge’s large television. During halftime we wandered into the main seating area where we came across a wall covered with African masks. The masks were of traditional designs from Kenya, Gabon, and the Congo, but instead of being made of traditional materials, they were made of plaster and painted white.

Hotel.jpg
photo 1: courtesy of Wilson and Associates

masks.jpg
photo 2: April Stickland, 2003

To learn more about this wall of masks, we spoke with S, the maître d’ of the restaurant. S explained that the designs of the masks were from “traditional cultures” across Africa, so the wall of masks was “like a map of Africa.” Yet these were not “real” masks. They were “fakes” made in a local factory, rendering the map somewhat artificial. Real masks would have been better, S told us, but traditional objects were simply more expensive. They were also more dangerous. Pointing to the curtain of fake porcupine quills hanging from the ceiling, S explained that real porcupine quills were costly and dangerously sharp. Plastic replicas of porcupine quills, he said, offered the same appearance, but they were cheaper and safer. According to S, Africa’s traditional objects and forms were frightening, if not dangerous, to Afrikaners. Real masks would unsettle them, as would traditional African dress. S said that if instead of his headwaiter’s suit and tie he wore his native attire from Malawi, replete with the requisite “big knife,” diners at the restaurant would flee. By contrast, when we asked S what constituted traditional Afrikaner culture, he gestured to the restaurant’s patrons and said, “Drinking in bars. And they have some songs.”

hotel2.jpg

photo 3: courtesy of Wilson and Associates

Our conversation with S was soon interrupted by the end of halftime, and S once again turned his attention to the rugby match. He had bet on Scotland with another restaurant employee, and he followed the match intently. Though everyone else in the lounge, the mostly black staff and the mostly white patrons, was rooting for South Africa to win, S was rooting for Scotland. S explained that he didn’t ally himself with the predominantly white Springboks, the South African team that for decades was an icon of apartheid. Rugby wasn’t his sport. Soccer was his game. Regardless, Scotland prevailed, and A lost his bet.


After the game, we perused the wall of masks again, and we contemplated this literal whitewashing of African culture, or to follow S’s reading, this whitewashing of the map of Africa. The glaring fluorescent lights from below made the masks appear not just white, but iridescently white. The Springboks may have left behind their racist past, but looking at that wall of masks we could easily imagine why S might not identify with the Springboks, or why he might bet against them.

When we returned home to the United States, we emailed the hotel’s architects, Wilson and Associates, about the masks. What follows is the questions that we posed along with their answers.

Question 1. Why were plaster replicas of African masks chosen to decorate the restaurant seating area? Why not use traditional masks made of materials such as wood, raffia, and beads? Are traditional masks prohibitively expensive or difficult to procure? Or was the choice to use plaster replicas an aesthetic decision of the designers?

These are not plaster replicas, they are a range of traditional African masks from across Africa. They have simply been washed in white, this choice is an aesthetic one. These masks are readily available and are not prohibitively expensive. Our brief for this project is a ‘Gateway to Africa’ not just South Africa hence we have used a combination of different masks from across Africa representing AFRICA and its diverse cultures.

Question 2. In the literature available on the Wilson and Associates website, it mentions an effort to transform traditional African motifs for the international traveler. Do plaster, factory-made models in some sense represent a modern reworking of traditional African designs and production methods? Is this meant to be a refashioning of the rural into the urban, the traditional into the modern, or the national into the transnational?

The gallery type volume of this hotel is perfect for the display of African art pieces, the display and grouping of these traditional items is cutting edge in its application and not only in its form. The architecture and double volume simply serves as a canvas for African Art and its cultures…these traditional pieces have been placed in the context of a 5 star businessman’s hotel, contemporary in style, this interior is a true expression not only of African art and tradition but also of its advancement and global attitude towards a brighter future. This hotel is Proudly African.
Question 3. Was the selection of the masks based on their individual designs or the way they work as a collective entity?

A collective entity.

Question 4. In the selection of the masks, was there an intent to convey a pan-African motif based upon the origins of the masks’ designs? Or are the designs indigenous to South Africa?

See point 1.

(Email from July 23rd, 2003)

Reading the response of the architects once again, some four years after the original exchange, we are just as struck by their apparent obliviousness to the politics of aesthetics. Though the masks are clearly reproductions, the architects nevertheless contend that the masks are original, that they have “simply been washed in white,” and that this was just an aesthetic choice. This does not bode well for the “brighter future” of Africa that the masks were intended to beckon. This hotel may well be “Proudly African,” but we wouldn’t be surprised if S, and maybe his coworkers, root against it.

October 4, 2007

The Anne Frank Tree

Today it was announced:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7027533.stm

that plans have been set in motion to preserve the Chesnut Tree that Anne Frank sought solace from during her confinement in hiding during World War Two. The tree has become an important materialisation of Anne herself...and a way of thinking through poetically, the emotional aspect of her hiding...

Check out the website for the Anne Frank Tree, an interactive digital memorial to which you can add your own leaves to:

http://www.annefranktree.nl/index.aspx?lang=en
Part of the Anne Frank House website where there is also a webcam from which you can view the tree live, out of the same window that Anne did.

Ann Frank.jpg

October 1, 2007

The Materiality of Sound

All readers of this site should be familiar with the pioneering work of ethnomusicologist and musician Steve Feld, now based at the University of New Mexico, who has been making sustained explorations into the environment of sound through both his written work and his own recording practice for many years. Starting with the Bosavi of the Papua New Guinea rainforest, Feld has worked with many other sonic environments including bell ringers in Europe, and more recently has been working in Accra Ghana.

Feld has linked up with musicians and environmental activists to draw attention to the political landscape, cultural politics and commodification of sound

www.acousticecology.org/

We are keen to get more sound work through this website and to explore the interface between sound and visual representation, and to explore the tactility and materiality of sound, particularly in the digital formats of electronic disseminations such as this blog...we look forward to hearing from any of you working on the boundaries of sound, vision and theorizing their material presences...