Neil Myler will be presenting at the CUNY Syntax Supper on Tuesday, Nov. 23 at 6:30 pm. The title of his talk is "Light verbs, hidden relatives, and control: The case of derived nominals."
Abstract:
This talk will address the question of why some derived nominals formed from control verbs allow control into a to-infinitive, while others do not. A typical paradigm is given in (1)-(2).
(1) a. John attempted to play football
b. John hated to play football
(2) a. John’s attempt to play football
b. *John’s hatred to play football
I will argue that this distinction, along with certain well-known restrictions on raising and control from derived nominals into to-infinitives, receives a natural account under the following assumptions: (a.) derived nominals as a default never allow control or raising from a to-infinitive, and (b.) derived nominals that seem to allow control are actually instances of a hidden relative clause containing a silent light verb corresponding to make, have or give. Assumption (b.) will be supported by the novel observation that all derived nominals that allow control into to-infinitives are also allowed to appear in light verb constructions, whereas those that disallow such control are unable to appear in light verb constructions (so, one can make an attempt but not *have/make/give (a) hatred). Assumption (a.) is derived if nominalizing derivational morphemes are functional heads with nominal features which select a verbal substructure (following Marantz (1998), Alexiadou (2009) and Borer (2009) amongst others) and if, following Kayne (1999/2000), infinitival to is introduced as a functional head above the matrix vP level and is related to the infinitival verb by movement. In the default case, nominalization will make it impossible for infinitive to to be introduced, causing the embedded non-finite verb to go unlicensed and crashing the derivation. However, those derived nominals that are compatible with light verbs allow for the merger of a silent light verb, ‘reverbalizing’ the structure and allowing to to be introduced. Following Collins (2006), a relative clause derivation then ensues, with genitive ‘s in example (2) being introduced among the nominal projections above the relative C head. The impossibility of raising from a to-infinitive into a derived nominal, (known since Chomsky (1970:205)- see example (3)) will be argued to follow from the impossibility of raising the would-be subject from its theta-position past the C-head into a nominal Case position.
(3) a. John is likely to leave
b. *John’s likelihood to leave