Title:
Remnant Movement in German Revisited

Abstract:

Title and abstract of her talk @ 1:30, next Tuesday, Nov 3 are as follows ....

"Exploring the representation of complex segments: the case of Greek affricates"

ABSTRACT (examples and references can be found here [pdf])

Based on recent experimental findings on the synthesis of Greek consonant clusters we display that consonantal strings range on a scale-like manner with respect to their internal coherence (Tzakosta & Vis 2009a, b, c). More specifically, O(bstruent)L(iquid) clusters, though the best formed, exhibit the least coherent phonological structure. This is supported by the fact that OL sequences are frequently prone to epenthesis or deletion, phonological processes frequently attested in language development data (1a-c). On the other hand, O(obstruent)O(bstruent) sequences display high coherence compared to OL sequences. This is shown by the fact that, first, OO sequences are marked by a smaller sonority distance compared to OL clusters and, second, when OO sequences, like [pt] and [kt], are repaired, they are not subject to epenthesis on deletion, but, rather, to fusion, as shown in the examples in (2a-f). Fusion presupposes accurate perception of the whole cluster. We assume that coherent phonological representations facilitate accurate cluster perception.

Finally, Greek affricates exhibit extensive internal coherence; affricates [ts] and [dz] seem to be rarely prone to repair strategies, rather, they are accurately produced from very early in language development, as illustrated in (3a). It is interesting that affricates replace other consonant clusters, mostly O+/s/ ones, something that adds to the argumentation for the coherence of the former. Such data maintain that Greek affricates are complex segments rather than consonant clusters.

In between coherent OO clusters and affricates lie consonantal sequences consisting of O+/s/, most popular of which are the stop + /s/ sequences [ps] and [ks]. [ps] and [ks] are considered to behave like complex segments on the same line with affricates (Tzakosta & Vis 2009a, b, Tzakosta 2009). Additional experimental results show that, first, [ts] exhibits different degrees of coherence compared to [ps] and [ks]. [ts] displays higher rates of degemination compared to [ps] and [ks]. This makes [ts] similar to single segments like [s]. Moreover, [ts] is not prone to voice assimilation, a fact that supports the claim that [s] in [ts] is not a [sibilant]. Our claims are supported by a great variety of data from synchronic and diachronic phonotactics, experimental and language acquisition data.

Abstract:

In Kennedy and Levin 2008, we suggest that it is possible to provide a
unified analysis in which the behavior of all of these verbs stems
from a single shared element of their meanings: a function that
measures the degree to which an object changes relative to some scalar
dimension over the course of an event. Focusing on the case of degree
achievements, we claim that such "measure of change" functions are
derived from two more basic concepts: an underlying measure function,
which we take to be the basic denotation of expressions that are
lexicalized in many languages as gradable adjectives, and a general
operation mapping basic measure functions into functions which measure
the difference between two objects on a scale, which underlies the
semantics of comparatives.

The goal of this talk is twofold. First, I will give an overview of
the Kennedy and Levin proposal, providing further arguments supporting
the link between comparison and scalar change in degree achievements
based on cross-linguistic data involving the morphosyntax of change of
state verbs and the syntax and semantics of verbal
comparatives. Building on these observations, I will then show how the
can be extended to the class of English incremental theme verbs by
incorporating ideas from Schwarzschild 2006 about the place of measure
functions in the nominal projection. I will conclude by discussing
some typological implications of the analysis.

References:
Kennedy, Christopher and Beth Levin. 2008. ‘Measure of change: The
adjectival core of verbs of variable telicity’. In McNally, Louise and
Christopher Kennedy (eds.), Adjectives and Adverbs: Syntax, Semantics,
Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Schwarzschild, Roger. 2006. The role of dimensions in the syntax of
noun phrases. Syntax 9:67-110.

Abstract:

10/22/09: Amanda Miller
11am-12:15pm: Corrected High-Speed Anchored Ultrasound with Software Alignment
12:30pm-2pm: The Representation of Complex Segments (abstract in pdf)

11/09/09: Sharon Peperkamp
12:30pm-2pm: Early phonological acquisition: computational and experimental approaches

11/12/09: Albert Costa
12:30pm-2pm: Advantages and Costs of being a Bilingual Speaker

"Vacate Phase and Presupposition Guarantee"

a. Why didn’t you go outside and
b. How come you didn’t go outside
(Collins (1991), Fitzpatrick (2005)

provides the clue to the acquisition path in English and to similar dialect stability in a wide variety of dialects including African American English, South African Black English, Irish, and Singaporean all of which show dialect stability. The geographic diversity of stable dialects suggests that a deep form of grammatical stability is involved.

The analysis is then extended to V2 in Germanic and the domains where V2 occurs in subordinate clauses and presuppositions are not maintained. A more articulated theory of traces and illocutionary force are both engaged to capture all of the facts, including the surprising unembedded complementizer forms, exclamatory and non-exclamatory, like:

dass er Fussball spielt [that he plays baseball]

which are completely unknown in English [*that I can sing].