Co-incidentally, Eytan is in town this week, and tomorrow he is giving a talk related to this article in the Semantics Group (10am -- meet at 9:45 for coffee).
As a reminder, the schedule of the Semantics Group presentations is to be found here.
]]>Abstract:
]]> This talk pursues the idea that null-arguments are derived without any
The dissertation is posted at Arthur's home page.
]]>Title: On the roles of context and structure in the theory of alternatives
(Joint work with Danny Fox, MIT)
Abstract:
We present an argument for revising the theory of alternatives for Scalar Implicatures and for Association with Focus. We argue that in both cases, the alternatives are determined in the same way, as a contextual restriction of the focus value of the sentence, which, in turn, is defined in structure-sensitive terms. We provide evidence that contextual restriction is subject to a constraint that prevents it from discriminating between alternatives when they stand in a particular logical relationship with the assertion or the prejacent, a relationship that we refer to as symmetry. Due to the constraint on contextual restriction, discriminating between alternatives in cases of symmetry becomes the task of focus values. This conclusion is incompatible with standard type-theoretic definitions of focus values, motivating our structure-sensitive definition instead.
He has recently given colloquia at the University of Western Australia, the University of Cape Town, and the University of the West Indies (Mona). The Mona campus of UWI is in Jamaica.
]]>Best student paper/poster awards to our grads at previous NWAV's:
Karen Kirke paper 2004
Libby Coggshall paper 2007
Kara Becker & Amy Wong poster 2008
Title:
Remnant Movement in German Revisited
Abstract:
Title and abstract of her talk @ 1:30, next Tuesday, Nov 3 are as follows ....
"Exploring the representation of complex segments: the case of Greek affricates"
ABSTRACT (examples and references can be found here [pdf])
]]> The internal composition of consonant clusters has been dealt with primarily by means of sonority (cf. Clements, 1988, 1990, 1992). Sonority distance seems to be responsible for cluster well-formedness (Steriade 1982). More specifically, the bigger the distance among cluster members, the better-formed the cluster. Therefore, [cl] is better formed than [fθ], because the sonority distance holding among cluster members is bigger for [cl] than for [fθ].Based on recent experimental findings on the synthesis of Greek consonant clusters we display that consonantal strings range on a scale-like manner with respect to their internal coherence (Tzakosta & Vis 2009a, b, c). More specifically, O(bstruent)L(iquid) clusters, though the best formed, exhibit the least coherent phonological structure. This is supported by the fact that OL sequences are frequently prone to epenthesis or deletion, phonological processes frequently attested in language development data (1a-c). On the other hand, O(obstruent)O(bstruent) sequences display high coherence compared to OL sequences. This is shown by the fact that, first, OO sequences are marked by a smaller sonority distance compared to OL clusters and, second, when OO sequences, like [pt] and [kt], are repaired, they are not subject to epenthesis on deletion, but, rather, to fusion, as shown in the examples in (2a-f). Fusion presupposes accurate perception of the whole cluster. We assume that coherent phonological representations facilitate accurate cluster perception.
Finally, Greek affricates exhibit extensive internal coherence; affricates [ts] and [dz] seem to be rarely prone to repair strategies, rather, they are accurately produced from very early in language development, as illustrated in (3a). It is interesting that affricates replace other consonant clusters, mostly O+/s/ ones, something that adds to the argumentation for the coherence of the former. Such data maintain that Greek affricates are complex segments rather than consonant clusters.
In between coherent OO clusters and affricates lie consonantal sequences consisting of O+/s/, most popular of which are the stop + /s/ sequences [ps] and [ks]. [ps] and [ks] are considered to behave like complex segments on the same line with affricates (Tzakosta & Vis 2009a, b, Tzakosta 2009). Additional experimental results show that, first, [ts] exhibits different degrees of coherence compared to [ps] and [ks]. [ts] displays higher rates of degemination compared to [ps] and [ks]. This makes [ts] similar to single segments like [s]. Moreover, [ts] is not prone to voice assimilation, a fact that supports the claim that [s] in [ts] is not a [sibilant]. Our claims are supported by a great variety of data from synchronic and diachronic phonotactics, experimental and language acquisition data.
]]>Abstract:
]]> Current theories of aspect acknowledge the pervasiveness of verbs ofIn Kennedy and Levin 2008, we suggest that it is possible to provide a
unified analysis in which the behavior of all of these verbs stems
from a single shared element of their meanings: a function that
measures the degree to which an object changes relative to some scalar
dimension over the course of an event. Focusing on the case of degree
achievements, we claim that such "measure of change" functions are
derived from two more basic concepts: an underlying measure function,
which we take to be the basic denotation of expressions that are
lexicalized in many languages as gradable adjectives, and a general
operation mapping basic measure functions into functions which measure
the difference between two objects on a scale, which underlies the
semantics of comparatives.
The goal of this talk is twofold. First, I will give an overview of
the Kennedy and Levin proposal, providing further arguments supporting
the link between comparison and scalar change in degree achievements
based on cross-linguistic data involving the morphosyntax of change of
state verbs and the syntax and semantics of verbal
comparatives. Building on these observations, I will then show how the
can be extended to the class of English incremental theme verbs by
incorporating ideas from Schwarzschild 2006 about the place of measure
functions in the nominal projection. I will conclude by discussing
some typological implications of the analysis.
References:
Kennedy, Christopher and Beth Levin. 2008. ‘Measure of change: The
adjectival core of verbs of variable telicity’. In McNally, Louise and
Christopher Kennedy (eds.), Adjectives and Adverbs: Syntax, Semantics,
Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Schwarzschild, Roger. 2006. The role of dimensions in the syntax of
noun phrases. Syntax 9:67-110.
Abstract:
]]> This talk aims to see whether binding binding, or some parts thereof, obey movement constraints. I am interested in pronoun binding in particular. It begins with a magisterial survey of the possible minimalist options and advances the thesis that principle B effects are the residues of A'-binding. It suggests that there exists cases of binding outside sentence grammar and that binding tout court is subject to islands AND induces obviation effects of a special sort. ]]>